Economic Dreams - Economic Nightmares

Jim Cramer's Rant: 'Fiction in Financials'

Normally I'm not one to recommend financial madman Jim Cramer's rants. But I'll make an exception today for: Cramer Rages on Banks: 'Where's the SEC?!'. The video feed (embedded in the CNBC post) is well-worth a few minutes of your time, even to endure a short ad at the beginning. The CNBC post begins, "Why isn't the Securities and Exchange Commission getting more involved in the whole banking sector writedown situation? Especially since the numbers are likely to get worse, not better? That's what Jim Cramer, CNBC's resident stock guru, wants to know." Then continues:

… "It's all fiction!" [Cramer] declared during a forceful exchange ….

"How can we have these levels of fiction in financials after Sarbanes-Oxley? How do people get away with this? How do they live with themselves?"

Cramer made his comments while reviewing results from Merrill. But his real consternation surrounded the insurers who cover banking investments. Some of those insurers haven't come clean about their liabilities, Cramer speculated. Eventually they will, and then the "fiction" will disappear, he said.

The banking sector and its related industries are all too chummy, Cramer accused. That led the numbers related to mortgage investments -- investments that are currently souring -- to break from reality.

"I think the financial guys all belong to the same club and they got to protect each other," he said.

Worse, those executives behind the current credit crunch are unlikely to get any punishment for their mistakes and disingenuousness about their numbers, Cramer opined.

"I'm fed up with it. The American people should be fed up with it. And the SEC should be fed up with it," Cramer said.

"This is what the SEC is supposed to protect us from," he added. …

P.S. Cramer takes aim too at so-called "mortgage insurers".

Hat Tip: Paul Kedrosky, Infectious Greed.

Banking Gone Bad: 'Privatizing gains and Socializing Losses'

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism is one of the very best economic bloggers. She keeps the rest of us up to date on a daily basis. Today, I'm impressed with this particular find/commentary (snipped, in part):

Why banking is an accident waiting to happen", Nov28: Martin Wolf, the well respected lead economics editor of the Financial Times, turns to a favorite topic: why banks regularly get themselves in trouble. His answer: it's "a risk-loving industry guaranteed as a public utility." Privatizing gains and socializing losses, particularly if the employees share in that arrangement, is a formula for reckless behavior.

Wolf takes note of the persistent high profitability of the banking industry, in return on equity terms, and attributes it to formal and informal public guarantees (they allow banks to borrow more cheaply than otherwise) and undercapitalization relative to the risks assumed. But there is another way to look at bankings' relative profitability. Remember, ultimately, the banking industry provides services to the productive economy and individuals and extracts fees for those services. Its high profits represent a wealth transfer from the productive sector to what ought to be a support function.

Wolf briefly reviews some possible remedies …

Banks are wards of the state. The sooner the powers that be recognize that and treat them accordingly, the better off the rest of us will be.

From the Financial Times:

Why does banking generate such turmoil, with the crisis over securitised lending the latest example? Why is the industry so profitable? Why are the people it employs so well paid? The answer to these three questions is the same: banking takes high risks. But the public sector subsidises this risk-taking. It does so because banks provide a utility. What the banks give in return, however, is gung-ho speculation. …

Governments are not totally stupid. They guarantee banks because the latter provide a social utility: a safe haven for money, and a payment system. But governments also realise that they are providing incentives for banks to economise on capital and take on risk. So governments impose capital-adequacy ratios, rules on risk management and (if they are sensible) liquidity requirements, as well. Unfortunately, these institutions are not only complex, but are staffed by single-minded and talented people. They go round regulations, just as water flows round an obstruction.

The result of this ingenuity includes “special purpose vehicles”, hedge funds and even, in some respects, private equity funds. These are all, in varying ways, off-balance-sheet banks: ways to exploit the exceptionally profitable opportunities (and corresponding risks) created by high leverage and maturity transformation. Securitisation, to take a salient example, is a clever way to shift what would once have been bank loans on to the books of these quasi-banks, with the consequences we all now see. …

So what we have is a risk-loving industry guaranteed as a public utility. One result has been insufficient capital. That permits splendid returns in good times. But the capital may well prove inadequate in bad ones. The loss of capital could well lead to a tightening of credit in the years ahead.

If so, the structure and regulation of banking might have to be reconsidered, again. One possibility would be higher capital requirements. This would lower peak returns and so reduce the chances of subsequent negative returns. Mr Smithers and Prof Wood suggest a 40 per cent increase in capital for the UK. Other possibilities are measures to make regulation easier: narrow banking is an old favourite, although hard to make work. Henry Kaufman, a highly experienced observer of credit markets, suggests intense scrutiny of banks deemed “too big to fail”.

What seems increasingly clear is that the combination of generous government guarantees with rampant profit-making in inadequately capitalised institutions is an accident waiting to happen – again and again and again. Either the banking industry should be treated as a utility, with regulated returns, or it should be viewed as a profit-seeking industry that operates in accordance with the laws of the market, including, if necessary, mass bankruptcies. Since we cannot accept the latter, I suspect we will be forced to move towards the former. Little can be done now. But when the recovery begins, we must impose higher capital requirements.

A way out of the Mess? Martin Wolf opines

It's nice to see Financial Times columnist Martin Wolf championing works from the Levy Institute, i.e. Wynne Godley and others, The US Economy: Is There a Way Out of the Woods? Nov 2007, [PDF] . I'm a big fan of the Levy Institue's work, and have frequently pitched their policy briefs, reports, and working papers here. Wolf:

Who will pick up the thread after the great unwinding?, Martin Wolf, FT.com, Nov 20: … A plausible view of the future, then, is that the US will experience a lengthy period of sluggish growth in domestic private demand, partially offset by fiscal expansion and an improvement in net exports. It is via the latter effect, moreover, that monetary policy should have its principal impact, since households are unlikely to borrow much more while their houses decline in value.

This is the great unwinding. So what does it mean for the rest of the world? It means that the rest of the world will adjust either by increasing demand, relative to potential supply, or by reducing its supply relative to demand. The former adjustment is clearly the more desirable.

Will it happen? The good news is that the build-up of foreign currency reserves and accompanying desire to prevent currency appreciation, by keeping interest rates down, are themselves expansionary. The resulting “overheating” is part of the solution, not part of the problem. If this overheating becomes bad enough, governments may allow still faster currency appreciations: perhaps even the Chinese will finally realise the error of their interventionist ways.

The great unwinding is a turning-point for the world economy. The rest of the world — and the emerging markets in particular — must now become the demand engines of the world economy. Will they do so? This is the big macroeconomic question to be answered over the next few years. …

Who Gets It: Charles Hugh Smith Edition

Charles Hugh Smith seems to be someone who "gets it". At least his recent expose of The Rot Within tells me that he, like Jim Kunstler, does indeed understand the plight of our US-lead, consumption-at-all-costs, nature-be-damned so-called economy. Here is Smith:

The Rot Within, Charles Hugh Smith, Sept. 17: … We as a society and as an economy are the frog in the pot, [never] noticing the bubbles of near-boiling water forming beneath our feet [until it is too late].

In no particular order, here is my short listing of The Rot Within, systemic sources of rot which have eroded the entire structure of our society and economy to the point of structural failure. I will be exploring these issues in upcoming entries.

1. Infrastructure: broken. Air traffic control system: broken. 160,000 bridges: obsolete, defective, or worse. …

2. Legal system: broken. Big homebuilders hide defects galore behind "binding arbitration" clauses, bankruptcy favors the banks which continue offering credit to the uncreditworthy, consumer protection is under assault, public health and safety agencies are grossly underfunded, ….

Yes, we live in a legal system based on advocacy and contention. But with one million lawyers and counting, how much of the horrendously costly advocacy ends up becoming a hidden and essentially unproductive tax on productive resources? How much is spent protecting the 300 million citizens and safeguarding the 145 million taxpayers from fraud and waste? Put simply: how much is a huge waste of money? Answer: Most of it. The system is broken.

3. Lobbyists own Washington. An old story, blah blah blah, money is the mother's milk of politics, etc. But how about the fact that there were 11,000 lobbyists in 1997, and now there are 33,000? How about the fact that corporations can "earn" $344 in Federal "earmarks" (i.e. pork-barrel spending) for every $1 "invested" in a lobbyist? Democracy: broken.

4. Deficit spending: broken. As this administration has added trillions in debt onto the backs of future generations, they have the unmitigated gall to trumpet a Federal budget deficit of "only" $$177 billion, down from $413 billion a few years ago. But this is based on bubblicious profits (and therefore taxes) flowing from the real estate and stock market bubbles, and includes the slight-of-hand accounting which applies the Social Security surplus to the entire Federal Budget.

Social Security is supposedly a Trust Fund which retains surpluses to be used in years when outlays exceed FICA tax collections. But instead, these massive surpluses are used to offset non-Social Security Federal spending. If you look closely at the budget and projections for Medicare and Social Security entitlements due to rise in the near future, there is only one conclusion: Federal borrowing and spending: broken.

5. Public pensions: broken. As public pension managers flocked to the higher returns offered by hedge funds, CDOs and other "exotic" investments based on derivatives and leverage, they have dug their own graves. Most public pension funds are set to suffer stupendous losses in capital when the entire derivatives/easy-credit/no-risk speculative bubble pops.

6. Government as savior: broken. From the billions wasted on post-Katrina aid (pixture hundreds of empty mobile homes sitting in an empty field), to the bail-outs being proposed for housing bubble gamblers/speculators, it's all about Uncle Sam borrowing hundreds of billions of dollars to bail out private parties.

7. Foreign policy: broken. Fill in the blanks, folks.

8. Energy Policy: broken. We don't have one, except "drill Alaska--that'll give us another month of oil, dammit!" This simple math leads to astounding totals: the U..S. uses 23 million barrels of oil a day. That's 8.4 billion barrels a year. A two-billion barrel oil find is perhaps 50% recoverable, meaning about 1 billion barrels can be extracted. That 1 billion barrels will cover about 6 weeks of America's oil consumption--but it will take at least a decade to drill, extract, refine and deliver to consumers.

9. Accounting: broken. This week we will witness the big investment banking houses release their earnings reports, and virtually everyone who knows anything knows the reports will be filled with what are essentially self-serving lies: assets which are not fairly priced because they are not required to be marked-to-market by third parties. This is modern-day accounting in the U.S. of A.: off-balance sheet assets, marked-to-model, and various other accounting tricks and prevarications.

10. Bureaucracies: broken. Medicare: $9,000 CAT scans, a week of "care" costs $100,000, and your elderly parent exits without even being healed. Welcome to Medicare and our "best of the best" medical system. The Pentagon, FEMA, your local school district, your state housing office, your local building department, the list is (in too many places) nearly endless. Yes, there are a few bright spots, but in general: bloated, inefficient, unresponsive, broken.

11. The Media: mostly broken. Celebrity-focused, backward-looking, advertising-dependent, largely in thrall to powerful interests whose chief concern is maintaining the status-quo (i.e. their power).

12. Technology: oversold. Beneath the razz-matazz press releases and the hype, most of the new, wonderfully-marketed technology (iPods, smart phones, Web2.0, social networks, etc.) is either unproductive time-sinks (a.k.a. "entertainment"), unreliable, or fundamentally a toy for kids with too much time on their hands.

13. Our "health"-care system (in actuality our sick-care system): broken. Unaffordable now, inevitably metastasizing into an unaffordability which bankrupts the nation.

14.Government statistics: broken. Unemployment stats: lies. Inflation numbers; Lies. Budget numbers: lies. Call them misleading or manipulated if you prefer, but I'll stick to the raw simplicity of calling them knowing lies, carefully engineered to pull the wool over the eyes of a fatuous, want-to-believe-fantasy public and mainstream media.

15. Our health and food consumption: nearly broken. Over a hundred million prescriptions written for psychotropic drugs--hmm, if we're so happy and well-adjusted and spiritually whole, then why are we driven to buy billions of dollars of illegal drugs and pop hundreds of millions of "feel good/fix me" pills? If our healthcare system is so great, and our food so wonderful, why are 2/3 of us obese to point of dangerous consequences, and so many of us unable to sleep well or run around the block even once? If we're so healthy, why do we look like Heck warmed over?

16. The culture: completely broken. Greed, self-absorption, self-as-what-do-I wear-consume-drive, mega-churches promoting wealth, bakeries for dogs, victimhood as saintliness, I-want-my-15 seconds-of-fame-now-on-national-TV, entitlements, working 20 years on the public payroll in order to nail down 40 years of fat retirement checks, violence glorified 24/7, hype and marketing-as-reality, Fox and CNBC cheerleading shameless propaganda, "reality" TV--in sum, a culture so twisted, dysfunctional and ill that self-parody has been rendered impossible.

How Capitalism is Killing Democracy

Robert Riech reminds us of our responsibilities as citizens in a democracy relative to our roles as participants in a market economy. We seem to have forgotten (aided by Madison Ave. spinmeisters) that we have responsibilities to keep democratic traditions strong and to keep market (and political) mechanisms from running amok. Here is an excerpt (Hat Tip: Mark Thoma):

How Capitalism Is Killing Democracy, by Robert B. Reich, Foreign Policy (free w/reg.): Free markets were supposed to lead to free societies. Instead, today's supercharged global economy is eroding the power of the people in democracies around the globe. Welcome to a world where … government takes a back seat to big business. …

Conventional wisdom holds that where either capitalism or democracy flourishes, the other must soon follow. Yet today, their fortunes are beginning to diverge. Capitalism … is thriving, while democracy is struggling to keep up. China … has embraced market freedom, but not political freedom. Many economically successful nations-from Russia to Mexico-are democracies in name only. They are encumbered by the same problems that have hobbled American democracy in recent years, allowing corporations and elites … to undermine the government's capacity to respond to citizens' concerns. …

[T]hough free markets have brought unprecedented prosperity to many, they have been accompanied by widening inequalities…, heightened job insecurity, and environmental hazards such as global warming. Democracy is designed to allow citizens to address these very issues in constructive ways. And yet a sense of political powerlessness is on the rise among citizens in Europe, Japan, and the United States…. In short, no democratic nation is effectively coping with capitalism's negative side effects.

This fact is not, however, a failing of capitalism. … Capitalism's role is to increase the economic pie, nothing more. … Democracy, at its best, enables citizens to debate collectively how the slices of the pie should be divided and to determine which rules apply to private goods and which to public goods. Today, those tasks are increasingly being left to the market. What is desperately needed is a clear delineation of the boundary between global capitalism and democracy-between the economic game, on the one hand, and how its rules are set, on the other. If the purpose of capitalism is to allow corporations to play the market as aggressively as possible, the challenge for citizens is to stop these economic entities from being the authors of the rules by which we live. …

[C]itizens living in democratic … have the ability to alter the rules of the game so that the cost to society need not be so great. And yet, we've increasingly left those responsibilities to the private sector-to the companies themselves and their squadrons of lobbyists and public-relations experts-pretending as if some inherent morality or corporate good citizenship will compel them to look out for the greater good. … We forget that they are simply duty bound to protect the bottom line. …

Why has capitalism succeeded while democracy has steadily weakened? Democracy has become enfeebled largely because companies, in intensifying competition for global consumers and investors, have invested ever greater sums in lobbying, public relations, and even bribes and kickbacks, seeking laws that give them a competitive advantage over their rivals. The result is an arms race for political influence that is drowning out the voices of average citizens. … The only way for the citizens in us to trump the consumers in us is through laws and rules that make our purchases and investments social choices as well as personal ones. …

Let us be clear: The purpose of democracy is to accomplish ends we cannot achieve as individuals. But democracy cannot fulfill this role when companies use politics to advance or maintain their competitive standing, or when they appear to take on social responsibilities that they have no real capacity or authority to fulfill. That leaves societies unable to address the tradeoffs between economic growth and social problems such as job insecurity, widening inequality, and climate change. As a result, consumer and investor interests almost invariably trump common concerns. …

[F]or those of us living in democracies, it is imperative to remember that we are also citizens who have it in our power to reduce these social costs, making the true price of the goods and services we purchase as low as possible. We can accomplish this larger feat only if we take our roles as citizens seriously. The first step, which is often the hardest, is to get our thinking straight.

Financial Fundamentalism: Fifteen Fatal Fallacies

Today, as a last volley (maybe?) in the Neoclassical Economics Mafia debate, Max Sawicky points us to William Vickrey's Fifteen Fatal Fallacies of Financial Fundamentalism, 10/5/96. Sawicky notes that

Vickrey was thoroughly 'neo-classical', as mathed-up as anybody else for his time, acclaimed all around for his work. Nobel prize winner, president of the American Economic Association. He asserted that a basic theory in macroeconomics going to a fundamental public issue was not merely wrong, but "vicious."

Here are Vickrey's 'fifteen' in short form. As you read through them, ask youself: Which do you agree (disagree) with? Then read Vickrey's note. Then voice any dissent or confirmation, and we can talk about it

To Vickrey's Fifteen Financial Fallacies:

Much of the conventional economic wisdom prevailing in financial circles, largely subscribed to as a basis for governmental policy, and widely accepted by the media and the public, is based on incomplete analysis, contrafactual assumptions, and false analogy. …

Some of the fallacies that result from such modes of thought are as follows. … And should the implied policies be fully carried out in terms of a "balanced budget," we could well be in for a serious depression.

• Fallacy 1: Deficits are considered to represent sinful profligate spending at the expense of future generations who will be left with a smaller endowment of invested capital. This fallacy seems to stem from a false analogy to borrowing by individuals. …
• Fallacy 2: Urging or providing incentives for individuals to try to save more is said to stimulate investment and economic growth. This seems to derive from an assumption of an unchanged aggregate output so that what is not used for consumption will necessarily and automatically be devoted to capital formation. …
• Fallacy 3: Government borrowing … "crowd[s] out" private investment. …
• Fallacy 4: Inflation is … the "cruelest tax." The perception seems to be that if only prices would stop rising, one's income would go further, disregarding the consequences for income. …
• Fallacy 5: "A chronic trend towards inflation is a reflection of living beyond our means." …
• Fallacy 6: It is … to keep unemployment at a "non-inflation-accelerating" level ("NIARU") in the range of 4% to 6% if inflation is to be kept from increasing unacceptably. …
• Fallacy 7: …[I]f only governments would stop meddling, and balance their budgets, free capital markets would in their own good time bring about prosperity, possibly with the aid of "sound" monetary policy. It is assumed that there is a market mechanism by which interest rates adjust promptly and automatically to equate planned saving and investment in a manner analogous to the market by which the price of potatoes balances supply and demand. In reality no such market mechanism exists; if a prosperous equilibrium is to be achieved it will require deliberate intervention on the part of monetary authorities…
• Fallacy 8: If deficits continue, the debt service would eventually swamp the fisc. [That is,] … debt service would absorb the entire income tax revenue, or confidence is lost in the ability or willingness of the government to levy the required taxes so that bonds cannot be marketed on reasonable terms ….
• Fallacy 9: The negative effect of considering the overhanging burden of the increased debt would … cancel the stimulative effect of the deficit. …
• Fallacy 10: The value of the national currency in terms of foreign exchange (or gold) is held to be a measure of economic health, and steps to maintain that value are thought to contribute to this health. …
• Fallacy 11: …[E]xemption of capital gains from income tax will promote investment and growth. …
• Fallacy 12: Debt … [will] eventually reach levels that cause lenders to balk with taxpayers threatening rebellion and default. …
• Fallacy 13: Authorizing income-generating budget deficits results in larger and possibly more extravagant, wasteful and oppressive government expenditures. …
• Fallacy 14: Government debt is … a burden handed on from one generation to its children and grandchildren. …
• Fallacy 15: Unemployment is not due to lack of effective demand, reducible by demand-increasing deficits, but is either "structural," resulting from a mismatch between the skills of the unemployed and the requirements of jobs, or "regulatory", resulting from minimum wage laws, restrictions on the employment of classes of individuals in certain occupations, requirements for medical coverage, or burdensome dismissal constraints, or is "voluntary," in part the result of excessively generous and poorly designed social insurance and relief provisions. …

Marx and Engels' Insights into Globalization

Today while looking for scraps of evidence to finish my income taxes, I stumbled into a copy of Marx and Engels' The Communist Manifesto, written in 1848. Some time back I must have dropped the little book into a basket in a corner. As I will do just about anything to avoid dealing with taxes, I re-read it. What amazed me was the parallels Marx and Engels (and others?) drew between the mid 1800s and today's globalization.

To illustrate, let's condense a bit of Chapter I, "Bourgeois and Proletarians". In addition to condensing, I will embed a few notes to highlight particular points of similarity that I find noteworthy. For those who don't know, I'm drawn to post-Keynsian thought. Still, I find the Marx and Engels' circumstantial descriptions of mid-century 1800s too compellingly similar to what we are seeing today to not share their view with you. At the end I point to some books that may help others see why "free market" capitialsim isn't the end-all, be-all some make it out to be. Marx and Engels:

[Bourgeois and Proletarians:] The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. … Our epoch [and continuing until today], the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses … this distinctive feature: It has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, directly facing each other—bourgeoise [ruling classes under capitalism] and proletariat [the working classes]. …

Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America [and most recently the opening of China and India] paved the way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication [or has been aided an abetted by such immense developments,. Which comes first, chicken or egg?]. … [I]n proportion as industry [and] commerce extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed in the background every class handed down form the Middle Ages. …

Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advantage of that class. [Remember Warren Buffet's 2004 remark, "If class warfare is being waged in America, my class is winning."] [T]he bourgeoisie has at last … conqured for itself … exclusive political sway. …

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound men to his "natural superiors." and has left no other bond between man and man than naked self interest, than callous "cash payment." It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value. And in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage-laborers.

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. [For a modern-day version see, e.g. Gary Becker's "household production function" and related literature. For a contemporary view similar to that of Marx and Engel's see, e.g. economic imperialism] …

Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all the is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life and his relations with his kind [now when all is reified into "commodity"].

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establishes connections everywhere.

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world markets given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural….

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralised the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centralisation. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier, and one customs-tariff. ….

… Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. … [Rendering an] epidemic of over-production. … The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. …

Why was The Communist Manifesto kicking around my house? Years ago, my good friend and then co-worker Hank was finishing his PhD in Economics at the University of Utah, curiously then and now a hot-bed of Marxian thought. [Note: It proves curious that the U of U Econ Department leans left, since Utah is a bright red Republican stronghold.]

Hank and I used to spend many an hour debating economics, me from my Milton Friedman-influenced libertarian perspective, and Hank from a Marx/Engels' leftest perspective. Hank has since moved, as he says, "from Marx to Mastercard", and is now comfortably running a growing business. I, on the other hand, and in large part due to Hank's insights, have moved considerably in the direction of what might be called the "new left" despite the political incorrectness of the label.

Here are some of my favorite books — that some argue lean "left of center" as well. They have proved their worth to me in helping figure out where we might go from here, faced with similar conditions to those Marx and Engels saw long ago. Coincidentally these books help debunk today's round of "free market fundamentalism" that seems too pervasive these days.

Deborah Stone. 2002. Policy Paradox: The Art of Political Decision Making (revised edition).
Margaret Jane Radin. 1996. Contested Commodities
Thomas Prugh. 1995. Natural Capital and Human Economic Survival
James G. March. 1994. A Primer on Decision Making: How Decisions Happen
Elizabeth Anderson. 1993. Value in Ethics and Economics
Andrew Bard Schmookler. 1993. The Illusion of Choice: How the Market Economy Shapes Our Destiny
Herman E. Daly and John B. Cobb. 1989. For the Common Good
Robert L. Heilbroner. 1988. Behind the Veil of Economics
Mark Sagoff. 1988. The Economy of the Earth: Philosophy, Law and the Environment
Andrew Sayer. 1984. Method in Social Science: A Realist Approach
E.F. Schumacher. 1977. A Guide for the Perplexed
E.F. Schumacher. 1973. Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered

If these books don't shed light on where we might go next, maybe I'll once again have to retreat to the desperation of Kurt Vonnegut Jr.'s Player Piano saga. I found Vonnegut's books helpful, long ago, to counteract the propaganda I was getting from business school when studying or my MBA. But that is a story for another time/place.

Financial Armageddon: The Blog

Late last year Michael Panzner unveiled Financial Armageddon as a blog to compliment his latest book. Here are a few highlights:

Prepare for Repricing, [1/29/2007]: In "Prepare for Asset Repricing, Warns Trichet," the Financial Times' Gillian Tett describes what seems to be a quickening sense of alarm among some policymakers.

Current conditions in global financial markets look potentially "unstable", suggesting that investors need to prepare themselves for a significant "repricing" of some assets, Jean-Claude Trichet, president of the European Central Bank, warned at the weekend in Davos.

The recent explosion of structured financial products and derivatives had made it more difficult for regulators and investors to judge the current risks in the financial system, Mr Trichet said.

"We are currently seeing elements in global financial markets which are not necessarily stable," he said, pointing to the "low level of rates, spreads and risk premiums" as factors that could trigger a repricing.

"There is now such creativity of new and very sophisticated financial instruments … that we don't know fully where the risks are located," he added. "We are trying to understand what is going on — but it is a big, big challenge."…

Malcolm Knight, managing director of the Bank for International Settlements, said: "Financial innovation has produced vehicles for leverage which are very hard to measure … liquidity is increasing very rapidly and this is affecting asset prices."

Central banks were scrambling to address the problem by intensifying their joint discussions via forums linked to the BIS, he said, but he warned that international co-operation and data gathering efforts "need to be deepened".

A few have even started voicing once unthinkable concerns about who will clean up the mess if and when policymakers' worst fears are realized. …

Unknowable and Uncontrollable, [1/15/2007]: Proponents argue that the benefits of derivatives far outweigh the dangers. In particular, these synthetic securities allow risks to be transferred from those who don't want them to those who do. In their view, such activity makes the financial system healthier and more resistant to shocks.

However, this perspective fails to take account of at least some current realities. Turnover and open interest outstanding have expanded at a mind-boggling rate, making it difficult for anyone, let alone regulators and policymakers, to gain a solid handle on what is going on. Moreover, much of the activity is centered in lightly regulated over-the-counter markets, and increasingly involves instruments that are breath-taking in their complexity. …

"The Stability of the World Financial System May Be More Apparent than Real", [12/26/2006]: Nowadays, optimists pooh-pooh the notion that the failure of a major global financial operator could easily trigger a far-reaching systemic crisis because those in charge have plans in place to deal with such an event. They argue that when circumstances call for level-headed leadership, clarity of purpose, and seamless cooperation between regulators and policymakers, someone will quickly grab the baton and step in resolve the situation — just as the New York Fed President did when he orchestrated a bailout of failed hedge fund LTCM back in 1998.

Perhaps.

Then again, when it comes to the realities of modern global finance, maybe things are different this time …

… Roche's conclusion is that this essentially leaves central bankers increasingly powerless to control liquidity — meaning that not only are they unable to prick the current credit bubble, but will be equally impotent to combat its future collapse.

Financial Armageddon looks to be "one more blog" to watch closely.

As soon as I finish reading the latest edition of Charles Kindelberger's classic Manias, Panics and Crashes: A History of Financial Crises, and take one more look at Peter Bernstein's Against the Gods: The Remarkable Story of Risk, I'll tackle Panzner's book Financial Armageddon. More on all three, later.

PS. Don't expect too much blogging from me in the the next couple of weeks. I'm going on the road (for work) and will be spending evenings with books.

Love the Deficit or Fear the Deficit?

In his latest Credit Bubble Bulletin, Doug Noland counters Bear Stearns' David MalPass's recent, optimistic Wall Street Journal article "Embrace the Deficit." Here's a sampler:

Credit Bubble Bulletin, Doug Noland 122706: …Financial historians will reflect back on this period’s prevailing complacency, especially with respect to the massive U.S. Trade and Current Account Deficits, with astonishment and disbelief. Yet for now years of Credit and asset inflation — parceling out unimaginable financial rewards along the way — have Wall Street reassured that There's Simply Not an Imbalance Not to Love. The Street now appreciates that massive and intractable Trade Deficits provide the fountainhead of global liquidity overabundance. Moreover, the markets keenly recognize that the Bernanke Fed (like Greenspan's) is content to acquiesce to deficit and liquidity excesses. There is today no constituency for reining in the Bubble(s).

This week's release of a record quarterly Current Account Deficit ($225.6bn in Q3) garnered little attention from the media and even less in the markets. This despite the Deficit having now reached $900 billion annualized, or 6.8% of GDP. For perspective, the deficit for all of 1998 was $229 billion. At $877 billion, the Current Account Deficit over the previous four quarters compares to 2005's $812 billion, 2004's $664 billion, 2003's $537 billion, and 2002's $506 billion. And it is worth noting that the third quarter's deficit was up 36% from Q2 2004's $166 billion, back when the Fed commenced its fateful "tightening" cycle.

Bear Stearns' chief economist David Malpass provided commentary this week to The Wall Street Journal — "Embrace the Deficit." Mr. Malpass did a commendable job articulating Wall Street's dangerously flawed analysis of Credit Bubble-induced imbalances. …

Mr. Malpass: "For decades, the trade deficit has been a political and journalistic lightning rod, inspiring countless predictions of America’s imminent economic collapse. The reality is different. Our imports grow with our economy and population while our exports grow with foreign economies, especially those of industrialized countries. Though widely criticized as an imbalance, the trade deficit and related capital inflow reflect U.S. growth, not weakness — they link the younger, faster-growing U.S. with aging, slower-growing economies abroad. Since the 2001 recession, the U.S. economy has created 9.3 million new jobs, compared with 360,000 in Japan and 1.1 million in the euro zone excluding Spain. …"

…This protracted Credit Bubble would be much less perilous if our nation was expanding debt to finance sound investment. Or, if our mounting foreign borrowings were funding wealth-creating capacity — providing the ability at some point to satisfy our debt obligations with valued goods or services, or at least significantly reduce the scope of future deficits through the exchange of goods for goods — our current standard of living would not be so susceptible to the whims and fragilities of finance and global financial markets. Instead, we are the subprime borrower living beyond our means, yet for now luxuriating in our competitive advantage in issuing AAA securities in exchange for endless imports. These days, the vast majority of new debt liabilities issued to our foreign creditors are collateralized by inflated asset market prices (chiefly real estate and securities). This creates a Ponzi Bubble Dynamic where the perceived soundness of the underlying debt issued is dependent upon unrelenting Credit and Speculative excess (and resulting asset inflation). …

…U.S. household net worth has been expanding rapidly owing to Credit-induced home price and securities markets (price and volume) inflation. … $2.7 Trillion of debt instruments … created to pay for imports …$27 Trillion of debt held by households…. Our economy consumes more than it produces, financing this deficit through the endless inflation of additional debt instruments. Wall Street can stick with the fanciful tale that our Trade Deficits are instigated by "capital" inflows. It is, however, clearly a case of Credit excesses fostering over-consumption and mal-investment, creating progressively unwieldy dollar liquidity outflows to the world (that, by their nature, must be recycled back to U.S. debt instruments). …

…The U.S. Bubble economy has been sustained in 2006 only through the massive expansion of Credit (certainly including securities finance/leveraging!) — more than last year but less than next. But in no way is the Trade Deficit the "mechanism allowing consumption and investment in the U.S. to grow faster…" Instead, the deficit has evolved to become one of the prevailing unavoidable consequences of the Credit Inflation required to hold the downside of the Credit Cycle at bay. Of course, Wall Street, politicians, and the Bernanke Fed will work in earnest to avoid the downside of Credit excess. And, the way these Credit booms work, things tend to run amuck on the upside when they are turning most susceptible to faltering to the downside.

And, yes, as difficult as it is for me to accept, "they" really have come to Embrace the Trade Deficit. I guess "they" have no choice. As is often said, "people will believe what they have to believe." All the same, it's been stupefying to witness over the course of many years the seed of this spurious notion mature into a full-fledged national self-deception — ripening to the point of achieving ratification from top policymakers (including our Fed chairman), affirmation from the financial markets, and acceptance throughout. Students of economic history are all too familiar with the repeated bouts of turmoil, wreckage and revulsion — the legacies of absolutely ridiculous notions that somehow came to be readily embraced in the heat of intoxicating booms. Reading Mr. Malpass's piece yesterday ... left me again with that uncomfortable feeling that we’re living today in one of those extraordinary periods that will be studied and contemplated for many decades to come.

Main Street America Thinks Economy Stinks

Although still generally optimistic when looking at their own prospects, more and more Americans believe that the middle class is slipping away. Not only do Americans worry a lot about retirement, health care, immigration, globalization, and effective represention in the workplace, they also think they are not being listened to by American politicians. The "new economy" has created "new insecurities," says a report [PDF] from the Economic Policy Institute.

Talking Past Each Other: What Everyday Americans Really Think (and Elites Don't Get) About the Economy: …For most people today, their greatest anxiety is not that they will lose their job and be unable to find another, and their greatest hope is not that they will be able to get and keep a job. Instead, they have more complex concerns: Will their jobs be outsourced to a subcontractor or off-shored to another country? Will a full-time, permanent job be converted into a part-time or temporary job? Will their health insurance be cut back or their premiums or co-payments increased? Will they receive regular raises or earn merit raises? Will they be able to stretch their paychecks to cover their family's expenses? Will their employer continue to provide pensions that offer guaranteed retirement benefits? And can they keep their skills current so that they can hold onto their current job and qualify for a promotion or for a new and better job? These uncertainties are more complicated than what worried their parents and can be summarized as a concern about both regular wages and other aspects of "job quality."